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By James R. Otteson

'Actual Ethics' deals an ethical safety of the 'classical liberal' political culture and applies it to a number of of today's vexing ethical and political concerns.

James Otteson argues Kantian belief of personhood and an Aristotelian belief of judgment have compatibility or even complementary. He exhibits why they're morally beautiful, and maybe so much controversially, while mixed, they suggest a restricted, classical liberal political nation. Otteson then addresses numerous modern difficulties - wealth and poverty, public schooling, animal welfare, and affirmative motion - and exhibits how each one might be plausibly addressed in the Kantian, Aristotelian and classical liberal framework.

Written in transparent, attractive, and jargon-free prose, 'Actual Ethics' will provide scholars and normal audiences an outline of a robust and wealthy ethical and political culture that they may not another way contemplate.

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Leave the encouraging of positive virtue to other means. If it should turn out that the “other means” of encouraging virtue—we discuss what those are in due course—turn out not to be as successful or effective as we would like, still a society organized around an exact administration of justice will at least be a safe and peaceful one in which we can carry on with the business of our lives. the rules of justice What exactly are the rules of ‘justice,’22 then? ), and there have traditionally been roughly two ways of addressing the question.

We may express disapproval of viciousness, and we may attempt—through exhortation, persuasion, rebuke, and so on—to change the vicious person’s behavior. But we do not initiate force because the vicious person is doing no “real and positive hurt,” as Adam 25 See Singer’s Practical Ethics, chap. 8. 28 Working Out the Position Smith puts it (TMS, p. 79 and passim), to anyone—except perhaps to himself, which, as a ‘person,’ he is entitled to do. On the other hand, murder, rape, and theft all do “real and positive hurt” to unwilling others and thus are all breaches of justice; hence our initial reaction that one ought to intervene in such cases is justified.

So the question, then, is not whether we can escape paying for them, because we can’t, but rather how best to minimize the costs. And the best long-term strategy for minimizing bad decisions, I suggest, is to connect as directly as possible the consequences of decisions to the person or persons making them. To whatever extent this link between freedom and responsibility is severed, there will be a corresponding diminution of the incentives to avoid bad decisions: we are far less motivated to economize, consider options carefully and thoroughly, and discipline ourselves if we know that someone else will pick up the tab.

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